AUTOMOBILE DEPENDENCE IN BANGKOK
An International Comparison With Implications for Planning Policies and Air
Pollution
BY JEFF KENWORTHY
Institute for Sustainability and Technology Policy, Murdoch University
All photographs by Jeff Kenworthy (except
Photo 1.)
Abstract
Discussions about traffic congestion and
transport related environmental problems, especially air pollution, now
characterise Bangkok as the Los Angeles of the East, in contrast to its
historical identity as the Venice of the East. This paper attempts to reveal the
major policy factors behind Bangkok's horrendous traffic situation through an
extensive comparison of Bangkok's land use and transport characteristics with
other Asian, European, American and Australian cities. Bangkok is shown to have
a very high density, mixed use urban form with low provision of roads, in common
with other Asian cities, but with very high parking provision in the CBD. It has
high vehicle ownership and use for its relatively low level of wealth and much
new development is building in automobile dependence. Use of public transport is
similar to that in European cities, though it is not high when compared to many
other Asian cities. The environment for walking and cycling is very hostile and
use of these modes is abnormally low for an Asian city. Detailed studies of air
pollution show that for Bangkok to reduce its severe air pollution problem it
will need to not only adopt the best technology available, but will require more
transport infrastructure projects than currently committed, especially a rail
system, and demand management measures to curtail growth in traffic. A series
of policy recommendations are formulated which suggest that Bangkok will need
to: (1) Restrain private car use through physical planning and economic
measures; (2) Improve its public transport principally through
development of a rail system; (3) Extensively upgrade its environment for
pedestrians and cyclists; (4) Ensure that new urban development is compact and
mixed, not heavily zoned, and is well integrated with public transport; (5)
Undertake institutional reform to ensure a more streamlined decision making and
implementation process for transport and planning strategies, and; (6) Adopt
stringent air emissions standards and the best available vehicle
technology.
Introduction
Any discussion of automobile dependence today will
usually involve some reference to Los Angeles. As an archetype for cities that
have tried to build their transport systems almost totally around freeways and
failed, it is almost unparalled. However, the Asian region is rapidly developing
its own archetype of urban traffic dysfunction and air pollution: the Bangkok
metropolitan region. Interestingly, by a perverse coincidence the similarities
between Los Angeles and Bangkok today also have some deeper historical
significance.
In 1781 the Spanish Governor of California, Felipe de
Neve, established the community that we know today as Los Angeles or "the City
of Angels". In 1782, in an almost prophetic leap that would seal a strange
connection between the two places, King Rama I of Thailand established a new
capital for his country, the original name of which translates to "the Great
City of the Angels."
Whether we want to read any more into this coincidence
depends a little on our penchant for intrigue. But for those who once knew
Bangkok as the Venice of the East with its serpentine river and network of
canals, the unfortunate reality is that it is fast becoming the Los Angeles of
the East. Most canals have been paved over with congested roads. Elevated
freeways and spaghetti junctions punctuate the urban landscape. The air is so
laden with automotive air and noise emissions that walking outside is an ordeal.
And in true Los Angelino style, there are plans to turn the Chao Phraya River
into a floating freeway. Bangkok presently adds about 600 new cars daily to the
traffic stream which equates to an extra 3 km of bumper-to-bumper traffic. At
this rate in less than 4 years enough cars are added to fill the entire road
system with one lane of traffic.
Photo 1. Bangkok was once known as the
Venice of the East.
Photo 2. Bangkok retains some working
canals but many are paved over for roads.
Photo 3. Elevated
freeways punctuate the urban landscape of
Bangkok as it vies for the title of the Los Angeles of the
East.
Bangkok's traffic predicament and severe air pollution
raise some interesting questions about how a city can descend into such chaos
and what factors underly the situation. Importantly, they raise questions about
what policies and strategies are best for relieving the situation, irrespective
of the present political likelihood of realising them. An effective way of
providing the perspectives needed to answer these questions is to compare
Bangkok to other cities around the world, especially other Asian cities in the
region.
This paper provides a detailed comparison of Bangkok's
land use and transport system characteristics with cities in North America,
Europe and Australia and in particular, other Asian cities such as Kuala Lumpur,
Jakarta, Manila, Seoul, Surabaya, Singapore, Hong Kong and Tokyo. The data on
the developing Asian cities other than Bangkok is taken from Barter et al (1994)
and Bangkok data come from Poboon et al (1994). The paper also briefly
summarises the air pollution situation in Bangkok, with some reference to health
impacts. Based on this investigation, the paper highlights those areas of
planning policy that need attention and suggests a suite of policies that are
likely to improve the present transport and air pollution situation in
Bangkok.
Land use patterns
One of the most important factors in determining a
city's level of car use and the viability of public transport, walking and
cycling is urban density (Newman and Kenworthy, 1989). Higher densities, and the
mixed land uses which are associated with them, shorten the length of trips by
all modes, make walking and cycling possible for more trips and create sufficent
concentrations of activities for an effective, frequent public transport
service. Figure 1 depicts the relationship between urban density, energy use per
capita and the percentage of workers using public transport across a global
sample of cities. As can be seen from the graph, higher urban densities,
particularly those characteristic of Asian cities such as Tokyo, have much lower
energy use per capita for transport and much higher use of public transport for
work trips.
Figure 1. Urban
density, energy use and public transport for the
journey- to-work in a global sample of
cities.
Figure 2. Urban density in American,
Australian, European and Asian cities.
Figure 2 provides average urban densities for cities in
the US, Australia, Europe and a selection of Asian cities. The Bangkok
Metropolitan Area with 6 million people living at 162 persons per ha is clearly
a densely settled city in an international context, and is a little above
average for an Asian city. Examining densities within Bangkok we find that the
inner zone of 3 million people has a density of 257 persons per ha (virtually
the same as Manhattan and central Paris), the middle zone of 2 million people is
settled at 138 per ha and the outer zone of 1 million people has 74 persons per
ha, which is still some five times denser than the average metropolitan area in
the US and Australia (Poboon et al, 1994). Bangkok therefore fulfills one of the
chief criteria for minimising automobile dependence.
Photo 4. Bangkok has a dense urban form
over much of its area
Provision for the automobile
Another key factor in automobile dependence is how well
the automobile is catered for in basic infrastructure. The length of road per
person and the amount of parking in the Central Business District (CBD) are
indicative of this factor. Figure 3 summarises the length of road per person in
cities and shows that the Asian cities are extremely low in this factor when
compared with all other cities around the world (0.7 metres per person compared
to as high as 8.7 in Australian cities). Bangkok is about average for an Asian
city but this relatively low road provision only partly helps to explain the
congested traffic, as shown later. Figure 4 provides the number of parking
spaces per 1000 jobs and shows that Bangkok with 338 exceeds the average
Australian city and is only a little less than the average US city with 380. By
contrast, Singapore, Tokyo and Hong Kong average a mere 67 spaces per 1000 CBD
jobs.
Figure 3. Length of road per person in
American, Australian, European and Asian cities.
Figure 4. Parking spaces in the CBD in
Bangkok compared to American, Australian, European and other Asian cities
(Singapore, Tokyo and Hong Kong).
Photo 5 and 6. Bangkok is high in parking provision in
its CBD.
Vehicle ownership
Vehicle ownership varies considerably in cities around
the world as shown in Figure 5 which summarises car and motor cycle ownership.
US and Australian cities are clear leaders in car ownership but they have very
low motor cycle ownership (95% of the combined car and motor cycle ownership is
cars). At the other end of the spectrum Hong Kong has only 47 vehicles per 1000
people, and again these are mainly cars (91%). Bangkok is the highest of the
Asian cities in total vehicle ownership (296 per 1000 people) and is only a
little behind the European average of 341. However, only 56% are cars in
Bangkok, unlike in European cities with 96% cars. Motor bikes are popular in
Bangkok and other Asian cities such as Jakarta and Surabaya where they dominate
vehicle ownership. This is because they are cheaper, smaller and easier to park,
and can cut a path through congested streets and negotiate the narrow streets of
the urban kampongs. They are however responsible for a very significant amount
of pollution, especially suspended particulate matter.
Figure 5. Car and motor cycle ownership
in American, Australian, European and Asian cities.
Photo 7. High motor cycle ownership is
evident on the streets of Bangkok as this mode is used to circumvent the
congested streets.
Bangkok is very much higher in total vehicle ownership
than the average Asian city (296 per 1000 people compared to 167). It has double
the level of much wealthier Singapore which has only 143 vehicles per 1000, and
is even higher than Tokyo with 261 vehicles per 1000 people (although Tokyo's
ownership is 86% cars).
Figure 6. National purchasing power per
capita in Asian countries compared to the USA.
Figure 6 shows the paradox associated with such high
levels of vehicle ownership in Bangkok by comparing national purchasing power
per capita in various nations in 1990. For example, Thailand had only 29% of the
purchasing power of Hong Kong, but Bangkok in 1990 had some six times more total
vehicles per capita. Similarly, Bangkok's car ownership is 63% higher than
Singapore, but Thailand's purchasing power is only one third that of Singapore.
Wealth levels alone are clearly not the only determinants of vehicle ownership.
This is returned to later in the paper.
What kind of transport patterns are associated with
these basic land use and transport features?
Transport patterns
Private transport
Figure 7 provides the total vehicle kilometres of travel
per person in the various cities. As expected, the US and Australian cities are
clear leaders (9747 and 7090 km respectively), followed by the European cities
with much lower levels (3,959 km). Bangkok however is heavily motorised for its
physical characteristics, being 74% higher in vehicle use than the average Asian
city. It has almost the same level of private vehicle use as in Tokyo, which
based on national figures in 1990, had 3.5 times more purchasing power than
Bangkok. Again, there are clearly more factors than wealth at work in urban
automobile dependence.
Figure 7. Total private vehicle travel
in American, Australian, European and Asian cities.
Figure 8 shows the modal split to private transport
(including motor bikes) for all trips in a variety of Asian cities. Bangkok
stands out as a leader in the Asian cities with 51% of all trips by private
means, compared to an overall average for these Asian cities of 33%, and Manila
as low as 21%.
Photo 8. Bangkok's exceptionally high car ownership relative to GDP
means that most roads become parking lots for
much the day.
Figure 8. The proportion of all daily
trips by private transport in Asian cities.
Public transport
Figures 9 shows that the use of public transport
expressed as transit's share of total annual passenger kilometres, is very low
in US and Australian cities (4% and 8% respectively), while in Europe it is 25%.
The Asian cities in this graph are Singapore, Tokyo and Hong Kong only which
have 64% of all passenger travel by public transport and which today are heavily
dependent on rail-based transit. By comparison, Bangkok with its gridlocked
bus-only transit system, has only half this level of public transport use.
Although this is quite high in an international sense, it is too low for a city
of Bangkok's type with low road provision and a dense urban fabric unsuited to
accomodating automobiles. This is also developed more later in the
paper.
Figure 9. The proportion of total annual
passenger travel by public transport in Bangkok compared to American,
Australian, European and other Asian cities (Singapore, Tokyo and Hong
Kong).
Photo 9. It is impossible to run a
competitive transit system when buses are stuck in gridlocked
traffic.
Figure 10 provides public transport's share of all trips
for a wider range of Asian cities and shows that Bangkok does moderately well
with its basic bus system and other collective modes (33% compared to an average
for Asian cities of 35%). Nevertheless, Manila and Seoul have much higher levels
of public transport (49% and 65% of all trips). Figure 11 shows the proportion
of motorised work trips on public transport, for an even larger sample of
cities. This is very revealing as it shows that for those trips undertaken in
the peak when road space is at a premium, Bangkok has rather low use of public
transport (only 31% compared to an average for the Asian cities of 55% and more
particularly, between 62% and 89% in Tokyo, Singapore, Manila and Hong
Kong).
Figure 10. The proportion of all daily
trips on public transport in Asian cities.
Figure 11. The
proportion of motorised works trips on public transport in
American, Australian, European and Asian
cities.
Non-motorised modes
Figure 12 shows the use walking and cycling for the
journey to work in cities around the world and reveals that US and Australian
cities with their low densities, heavily zoned land uses and long trips have
only 5% of workers walking or cycling; European and Asian cities have 21% and
25% respectively, while Bangkok is very low with only 10%. Figure 13 shows that
as a percentage of all daily trips, walking and cycling in Bangkok is about as
low as it gets in Asian cities (14%, or less than half the Asian city average of
32%). Tokyo on the other hand has a massive 45% of all trips by foot and
bicycle, exceeded in this sample only by Surabaya with 53%.
Figure 12. The proportion of workers
using walking and cycling for the
journey-to-work in Bangkok compared to
American, Australian, European and other Asian cities (Singapore, Tokyo and Hong
Kong).
Figure 13. The proportion of all daily
trips by non-motorised modes in Asian cities.
Photo 10 and 11. Conditions are appalling for pedestrians
in Bangkok, especially along main roads.
Photo 12. Even in Bangkok's sois (residential streets),
conditions for pedestrians can be very
hostile.
Implications of the international comparisons
The foregoing has provided some useful snapshots of
differences in the land use and transport patterns of cities across the globe.
But what are the implications of these comparisons for Bangkok?
Vehicle ownership
Bangkok clearly has a burgeoning vehicle population
which is higher than expected if wealth were the only factor involved. It can be
argued that the absence of a real public transport alternative and the serious
problems associated with walking and cycling are helping to fuel exponential
growth in vehicles, especially since 1980 (Poboon et al, 1994). There is also
nothing in government policy which would help to curtail the trend. On the
contrary, close ties with Japanese car and motor cycle manufacturers, financial
aid from Japan and other financial institutions for road projects, plus low
tariffs and other government charges associated with vehicle ownership, suggest
that high vehicle growth will continue (Kenworthy, 1994; Mallet,
1994).
Photo 13. A lack of
any form of vehicle restraint in Bangkok
means that it is difficult to begin to address chronic
congestion.
Singapore highlights Bangkok's need to establish some
policy constraints on motor vehicles. The suppression of vehicle ownership in
Singapore compared to Bangkok can be seen in Figure 5. Singapore's tough
economic and physical planning disincentives against cars and excellent public
transport explain this picture, especially in the light of the city's economic
capacity to purchase cars, as depicted in Figure 6 (Kenworthy et al, 1994).
Singapore's policies include the Area Licensing Scheme which now provides all
day (7.30 am to 6.30 pm) restrictions and high charges for vehicles entering the
CBD, and the Certificate of Entitlement (COE) system which requires purchase of
the right simply to buy a car (costs depend on vehicle size and the time that
the vehicle will be operated but range from S$28,150 for a weekend only car,
through to S$63,000 for big cars (The Strait Times, December 17, 1993).
Public transport
Bangkok's dense urban fabric combined with intensively
mixed land uses throughout a major part of the city, make it a potentially ideal
environment for public transport and particularly walking and cycling. This is
especially true because of the linear nature of the city where residential areas
and commercial/retail strips are densely built up along road corridors. This is
well-suited to a fixed route, segregated transit system, whereas buses
attempting to ply these corridors find themselves at a standstill with other
traffic. As we have seen, public transport use in Bangkok is correspondingly low
for an Asian city because only occasionally do buses operate on effective bus
lanes (in particular contra-flow lanes). As well, the crowded, mostly non-air
conditioned buses are unable to provide an acceptable transport alternative for
the growing middle class who are fuelling the demand for car travel. The Asian
cities which do have high levels of public transport use are those that have
effective rail systems and have been able to capture middle class travellers on
attractive, air-conditioned fast trains (eg Hong Kong and Singapore). The
existence of a viable alternative to cars combined with disincentives to car
ownership has kept a lid on car travel and congestion in these
cities.
An effective rail-based public transport system would
appear to be a priority for Bangkok if it is to ever compete with
cars.
Walking and cycling
Bangkok's level of walking and cycling is atypically low
for an Asian urban environment. Much of this appears to be related to the
general hostility of the pedestrian environment and the dangers in riding a bike
- there are no bike lanes or other facilities. Most main roads have poor
footpaths and where they have been widened and perhaps planted with trees to
relieve the hot climate, there is so much noise and fumes that walking is an
ordeal.
The sois, or residential roads on which most of Bangkok
is built are narrow, and those that connect the sois with major roads are
particularly crowded with traffic and speeding motor bikes. The narrowness of
the sois combined with the high walls which surround the houses create a very
unattractive environment for pedestrians and cyclists and there is almost
nowhere to walk or cycle safely. However, in smaller sois with lower traffic
volumes it is common to find people walking to street vendors, local businesses
and schools. For trips to the shopping areas on main roads or to catch buses,
many people use hired motor cycles.
Photo 14. The sois
of Bangkok do not encourage non-motorised transport
due to their narrow width being taken up
almost exclusively by traffic
It can be concluded that if priority were to be given to
improving pedestrian environments and facilities for walking and creating a
shaded cycleway system, people would naturally choose non-motorised modes for
short trips because they are the most convenient modes in dense environments
with fine grained mixed land uses; Tokyo strongly demonstrates this
point.
Waterways
Water transport is an attractive, fast way to travel in
Bangkok. It provides passengers with relief from the hot climate and separation
from the fumes and noise of the roads. However, many canals have been filled in
for roads and even the river is the focus of an attempt to build a floating
freeway. Water transport's present contribution to passenger transport is thus
very low, but with more and better boats, improved jetties and effective feeder
services, waterway transport could be built up.
Photo 15 and 16. Bangkok retains
the skeleton of a once complex network of waterway transit
Paratransit
Bangkok's tuk-tuks, silor-leks and hired motor cycles
currently fill an important transport niche and offer cheap fares. Their overall
contribution to daily trips is very small when compared to buses and other
modes, but could be improved by using them as formal feeder services to bus
stops, piers and railway stations, and through improved shelters and government
regulation to maintain vehicle standards and safety.
Photo 17. A hired motor cycle rider in a
Bangkok soi with a child as a passenger.
Roads
The big issue in Bangkok is roads. The majority of
capital investment in transport goes into large road projects (see Poboon and
Kenworthy, 1995), and the dominant perception of the root of Bangkok's traffic
problems is that there simply are not enough roads. Much is made of the fact
that Bangkok has only 11% of its urbanised area devoted to roads whereas other
cities have upwards of 20% (Tanaboriboon, 1993).
Figure 14. The percentage of urbanised
land in Bangkok occupied by roads compared to a selection of global
cities.
As shown in Figure 3 however, Bangkok is not atypical
for an Asian city in the length of roads it provides per person. Indeed,
Jakarta, Manila, Hong Kong and Surabaya provide less. To compare Bangkok's road
area with that of other cities is more difficult due to data availability
problems. However, it is worth doing because this parameter incorporates road
widths. Figure 14 draws together data on a number of cities and shows that
Bangkok is not so unusually low (eg Paris, Hong Kong and Munich are almost
identical to Bangkok in this factor). The crux of the issue is that cities which
have a low proportion of urbanised land under roads, also have extremely good
public transport services, in particular, very good rail systems. They also have
high levels of walking and cycling due to better infrastructure provision and
environments more conducive to these modes.
Photo 18. Bangkok
tries to solve its congestion problems with
more roads instead of addressing the root causes of its
congestion crisis.
The important policy conclusion to be drawn from this is
that Bangkok is not suffering so much from a lack of road space, as from a
poorly developed transit system and a very low level of walking and cycling.
Bangkok's public transport system and level of non-motorised mode use do not
complement its small road provision to a sufficient extent. In other cities
these factors are better matched and although there is still congestion, there
is no traffic crisis.
There is another very important point to stress here
that is related to Bangkok's tightly woven urban fabric, which like many other
Asian cities, has not been built for the automobile. Non-motorised modes,
especially waterway transport, were the basis of Bangkok's early development,
followed by trams and buses. It is only since about 1980 that vehicle ownership
and thus congestion have gotten out of control (Poboon et al, 1994). It is
certainly possible to try to accomodate Bangkok's growth in vehicles with an
aggressive road building programme, but not without tearing apart the urban
fabric.
Figure 15 estimates the results of trying to expand
Bangkok's proportion of urban land devoted to roads from its present 11% up to
20%. Based on present average population and job densities, the new roads would
displace the equivalent of a city the size of Chiang Mai. Resettling these
people and employment enterprises at densities typical of the outer zone of
Bangkok would require new land equivalent to 10% of Bangkok's present urbanised
area. Moreover, because they would be in automobile dependent areas distant from
public transport, they would themselves generate huge new volumes of
traffic.
Figure 15. The
implications of increasing the percentage of
urbanised land under roads in Bangkok to
20%.
Air pollution
The transport patterns discussed in the previous
sections are at least partly responsible for Bangkok's severe air pollution
problem. Other important factors include climatic influences, less stringent
motor vehicle standards and poor maintenance, especially of diesel fueled
trucks, buses and other vehicles. Although Bangkok does not presently experience
photochemical smog (surface ozone) as in Los Angeles, it suffers from extremely
high levels of suspended particulate matter (SPM) and high levels of carbon
monoxide (CO) and Lead (Pb). Boontherawara et al (1994) report that SPM would
have to come down by 84.9%, CO by 47.4% and Pb by 13.0% to reach proposed
ambient air quality standards. Other emissions from transport such as nitrogen
oxides (NOx) and hydrocarbons (HC) are also a problem and Boontherawara et al
(1994) claim, based on WHO data, that all the major transport related air
pollutants in Bangkok are above the threshold considered harmful for human
health (p.5).
For example, maximum 24 hour total suspended particulate
(TSP) measurements from 15 stations show that the standard of 330 micrograms per
cubic metre is exceeded by up to 4.6 times, with an average exceedance for the
15 reported stations of 1.9 times the standard (calculated from Boontherawara et
al, 1994, p.8). Panich (1994) also reports that 40% of the SPM in Bangkok is
carbon-based black smoke from diesel engines; 60% of transport fuel in Bangkok
is diesel (Sayeg, 1992).
Photo 19. Bangkok has very high levels
of air pollution, especially particulates.
Photo 20. A main soi in Bangkok shows
the heavy air pollution hanging in the street.
It is not the intention here to discuss in detail the
health impacts of particular pollutants, but it is worthwhile to just note some
of the reported findings for Bangkok.
General health impacts
Some general findings give an indication of the
intensity of health impacts in Bangkok from air pollution. At their root is the
very high exposure to air pollution of a large proportion of Bangkok people as
they negotiate the public environments of the city in non-air conditioned buses
or cars, in tuk-tuks and other forms of paratransit, on motor cycles and just
walking along streets.
In 1990, over 1 million Bangkok residents received
treatment for respiratory infections associated directly with air pollution
(Magistad, 1991).
Particulate matter constitutes "a serious threat to
public health" and could lead to 1400 deaths per year (Mallet, 1992, quoted in
Sayeg, 1992).
Bangkok's lung cancer rate is reportedly 3 times
higher than elsewhere in Thailand (Magistad, 1991).
A study of traffic exposed policemen versus
non-traffic exposed policeman of the same age found that the incidence of
respiratory health problems, as measured by a range of indicators, was higher in
the traffic exposed group (Aekplakorn et al, 1991).
Transport is reportedly responsible for over 1 million
cases of nervous disorders and anxieties from the strain and frustration of
sitting in stalled traffic. Noise pollution from traffic is also another impact
of concern (Sayeg, 1992).
Photo 21. A Bangkok policeman bears the
brunt of the heavy pollution in Bangkok's streets.
Lead related problems in Bangkok
The following summarises some salient findings about
lead in Bangkok:
Lead is considered to cause several hundred thousand
cases of hypertension each year, up to 400 deaths, and possible but as yet
unproven impacts, on unborn foetuses (US Agency for International Development,
1990). One report suggests reduction of the IQ of an average Bangkok child by
four points by the age of seven (see Poboon and Kenworthy, 1995). Lead levels in
some newborn babies are 2 to 5 times higher than those considered dangerous in
the US (Magistad, 1991). Food sold by the roadside is common in Bangkok and
exacerbates lead intake.
Thai government data suggest that even the lowest
reported average blood levels of lead in Thailand exceed by 3 times those in the
US or Western Europe (Mallet, 1992).
Tackling air pollution
One of the most comprehensive studies to investigate the
implications for transport policy of Bangkok's burgeoning air pollution comes
from Boontherawara, et al (1994). The study was a direct result of the growing
number and severity of transport related health problems in Bangkok.
This study attempted to look at the transport and
emissions impacts of a combination of three traffic scenarios and three
technology scenarios for the year 2000 compared to 1994 :
Traffic scenarios
Do-nothing (1994 road network, no mass rapid
transit)
Do-as-committed (more roads, mass rapid transit
systems, truck terminals)
Demand management (Do-as-committed scenario, plus
increased fuel prices, busways, bus signal priority in inner area, increase
quality and quantity of buses, school bus system, traffic restraint
projects).
Technology scenarios
Base case technology
Reasonable technology
Best technology
Some key results of the study were that:
Only the demand management scenario results in less
total vehicle kilometres in the peak in 2000 than in 1994 (4.08 million compared
to 4.38 million or a 7% reduction). The do-nothing approach increases peak
vehicle kilometres most (5.02 million or a 15% increase), while the
do-as-committed scenario increases peak kilometres to 4.97 million, a 13%
increase (see Boontherawara, et al (1994), Tables 5 and 6, p21/2). The results
suggest that the do-nothing approach maintains the automobile orientation of
Bangkok but pushes new traffic away from gridlocked inner areas to middle and
outer areas where some road capacity exists. The do-as-committed approach
increases both private vehicle travel due to new roads, but takes up a
considerable amount of existing car travel onto the new mass transit systems
which results in just a little less travel overall in 2000 compared to doing
nothing.
Overall speed in the peak in 2000 only improves from
the 1994 level under the demand management scenario from 25.5 km/h to 27.2 km/h.
The do-nothing approach deteriorates speed to 22.9 km/h and the do-as-committed
approach results in 24.2 km/h.
In terms of air pollution, the
significant result of the study is that in order to reduce SPM, CO and HC
emissions to internationally acceptable standards, the only effective way for
Bangkok is a demand management approach to transport planning in conjunction
with the introduction of at least reasonable vehicle technology, ie relying on
technology alone is not enough for the desired overall improvement
in air quality, though in conjunction with new transport projects, especially
mass rapid transit, and transport demand management measures, air quality could
be significantly improved. Building new roads and mass transit systems or
attempting to strengthen vehicle technology standards alone mean that the growth
in total traffic still outstrips efficiency gains in other areas such that total
emissions continue to grow.
Policy conclusions
Based on the analysis presented here there appear to be
a range of essential policies which Bangkok needs to consider in order to begin
resolving its desperate traffic situation and air pollution. They can be
summarised briefly as follows. A more detailed discussion of these policies can
be found in Poboon et al (1994), Poboon and Kenworthy (1995), Kenworthy et al
(1994) and Barter et al (1994).
(1) Restraints on cars -
This requires an economic approach in the form of increased vehicle taxes,
registration duty and fuel tax and perhaps even a Singapore style COE for car
ownership. It also requires physical restraint in the form of an Area Licensing
Scheme and other methods which have already been outlined in (Boontherawara et
al, 1994). The level of CBD parking also needs to be controlled as it is
excessively high. Designating particular parts of inner Bangkok as pedestrian
and public transport priority zones and at least some full scale
pedestrianisation in central Bangkok would be appropriate.
(2) Public transport development,
especially rail - In order to make restraint on private
transport politically feasible, public transport would need to greatly improve.
An absolute first priority is the establishment of a high quality mass rapid
transit system, notwithstanding the enormous technical, institutional and
political complexities which currently need to be overcome. Buses need to be
given effective, enforceable priority in the traffic system in the form of bus
only lanes and bus-actuated signal priority, as well as improved waiting time,
greater and more reliable transfers and improved vehicle quality. Waterway
transport and paratransit modes need to be greatly improved.
Photo 22. Genuine bus priority is needed
in Bangkok.
(3) Walking and cycling environments - In addition to pedestrianisation in central locations, there
needs to be a comprehensive programme to improve walking and cycling
environments at a local and regional level. Shaded routes, continuity of
footpaths and cycling routes, separation from dangerous traffic, noise abatement
and bike facilities at destinations all need to be considered. If Tokyo can
achieve 45% of daily trips on foot and bicycle, Bangkok must set its sights on
more than its present 14%.
Photo 23. Cyclists take
their life into their hands on Bangkok's streets.
Improving conditions for all
non-motorised transport is, however, inexpensive and
cost-effective
(4) Transit oriented, mixed use
development - Although much of Bangkok is already ideally suited to mass
transit, there are enormous numbers of high density apartments and dispersed
townhouse and condominium developments being built with huge parking facilities
and without any thought for public transport. They are all being built and sold
on the assumption of car travel. In Europe and North America automobile
dependence is being reduced through urban village style developments located
around rail stations. These are high density, mixed land use areas with minimal
parking, and have pedestrianised or traffic calmed environments to encourage
walking and cycling for local trips (Newman, Kenworthy and Robinson, 1992). In
Singapore and Hong Kong, it is an accepted model of urban development to focus a
majority of new residential and commercial areas around stations on their mass
rapid transit systems (Kenworthy et al, 1994).
Without controls on the form and location of future
development in Bangkok and the integration of effective public transport, every
improvement in traffic and air emissions through other measures will be wiped
out by extra travel.
Photo 24. Plenty of examples exist of
low density, auto-oriented development around Bangkok. Such developments need to
be controlled as they generate huge extra traffic burdens for the road
system.
(5) Institutional reform -
Bangkok's quest to build a rail system has up to now been thwarted by the
plethora of agencies responsible for transport planning and implementation
causing overlapping in mandates and many conflicts. There should be a much
smaller number of agencies and each should have a clear-cut function. A single
committee should have decisive power to oversee and coordinate such agencies and
have the authority for recommending decision-making to the
government.
(6) Adoption of stringent air emissions
standards - Bangkok's current emissions standards for vehicles
need to be strengthened to enforce the adoption of the best technology available
for all types of vehicles. This would greatly enhance the positive impacts of
other transport policies designed to minimise private travel.
A final word
Bangkok today is increasingly being referred to as the
Los Angeles of the East. Although its present problems can be analysed and
understood in a technical way using the data in this paper, its problems extend
deeper, as do those of Los Angeles. In a very real sense the transport and air
pollution problems in these two cities stem from a lack of effective public
planning for the 'common good' over many years. Los Angeles has attempted to
function almost totally on automobiles and has been reluctant to develop a
public transport system of any significance or to control land use and car
travel. The notion has been that if individuals are allowed to maximise their
private good then the sum of these decisions will be a good city. This has not
happened and Los Angeles is now one of the most problematic environments in the
western world. Bangkok too runs the risk of allowing itself to be plundered by
private interests associated with road transport systems. Unless public planning
for the common good can gain a foothold, as it is beginning to do now in Los
Angeles with the development of an extensive rail system, integration of some
development around stations, and land use controls to minimise new travel, there
is little hope that any of the policies outlined here can be
implemented.
Acknowledgments
The illustrations in this paper were drawn by Dr Felix
Laube, a senior researcher in ISTP. The research by PhD graduates Chamlong
Poboon and Paul Barter in developing the data on Bangkok and Asian cities in
newly industrialising countries is gratefully acknowledged.
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